1.2. Federal Member States (FMS) forces and Somaliland forces

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.1]

Since 2012, state President Ahmed Madobe, and his militia group, predominantly drawn from the Ogaadeen clan, have been in charge of the town and the port of Kismayo, of which they also control the surroundings, while they hardly control the rest of Jubbaland. A large portion of the regional state is under the de facto control of Al-Shabaab. The group controls almost all of Middle Juba region, where they have their de facto capital (Jilib), and the majority of Lower Jubba.

The northern Gedo region is, as of April 2021, under the control of a distinct regional administration which is loyal to incumbent president Farmaajo, who has his Marehan clan base there. The FGS deployed federal forces, backed by local militias, to Beled Hawo, a border town near Kenya, ‘and dislodged the local administration that was loyal to Jubbaland’. In March 2021, Hassan Janaan, the former security minister of the Jubbaland state, who had for months militarily challenged the FGS in the area, defected together with his 400 troops.

Jubbaland state forces number about 5 000 individuals. Licit and illicit taxation in and around Kismayo has been used as a source of its funding.

On the one hand, the Jubbaland Security Forces protect Kismayo from Al-Shabaab, on the other hand, they ‘function as Madobe’s praetorian guard and private enforcement entity against rival politicians, clan leaders, business leaders and other independent voices’. UNSG has attributed to the Jubbaland security forces several violations, such as assassinations, conflict-related sexual violence, violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, deprivation of liberty of children (some of those children having been accused of association with Al-Shabaab), child recruitment, killing or maiming of children, rape and sexual violence against children, and denial of humanitarian access.

 
For further information on human rights violations committed by Jubbaland forces and their relevance as potential exclusion grounds, see chapter Exclusion.

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.2]

In terms of territorial control, the South-West state remains among those most affected by Al-Shabaab’s presence and attacks. The group controls large swathes of territory in all three South-West regions.

The South-West darwish forces were established in 2014 with the aim to retake territory from Al-Shabaab as well as to strengthen the newly established state administration vis-à-vis the FGS. The South-West State Police is an official entity formally recognized under Somalia’s security architecture. International human rights training and international payments of salaries tied to human rights performance led to a decrease of human rights violations by the South-West State Police. However, on the occasion of the arrest of Mukhtar Robow, and in the context of the ensuing protests, human rights violations increased significantly when the international community froze the payment of salaries and officers increased extortion to generate income.

UNSG attributed to South-West forces violations such as conflict-related sexual violence, arbitrary arrests of journalists, child recruitment, deprivation of liberty of children for alleged association with Al-Shabaab or pro-ISS elements, killing and maiming of children, rape and sexual violence against children, attacks on school and hospitals, and child abduction.

 
For further information on human rights violations committed by South-West forces and their relevance as potential exclusion grounds, see chapter Exclusion.

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.3]

The region of Benadir covers the same area as the capital Mogadishu and it is officially controlled by the FGS security institutions and AMISOM. At the same time, Al-Shabaab has heavily infiltrated the state apparatus and exerts its activities in the city. For an overview on the human rights conduct of the FGS security institutions, which are based in Mogadishu, see section 1.1. Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) forces.

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.4]

Hirshabelle, the youngest member state in the Somali federal system, was established in 2016. A significant portion of the state territory is controlled by Al-Shabaab, notably the entire northern section of the Middle Shabelle region, as well as ‘key districts’ in Hiiraan region. The group has also managed to disrupt major supply routes. The Hiraan Salvation Council questions the authority of the current Hirshabelle president Ali Gudlawe, and indirectly the authority of the FGS, and is for its part demanding the Hiraan region to be separated from Hirshabelle.

Hirshabelle security forces are constituted by the darwish and the state Police. Hirshabelle security forces have been reported to commit human rights violations. Journalists and media workers have faced ill-treatment, such as arbitrary arrests, prolonged detention, and suspension of media organisations. Moreover, businessmen were arrested by the authorities after being accused of paying ‘taxes’ to Al-Shabaab.

 
For further information on human rights violations committed by Hirshabelle forces and their relevance as potential exclusion grounds, see chapter Exclusion.

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.5]

Galmudug state, which was established in 2015, comprises Galgaduud and approximately half of Mudug administrative regions. The Mudug region is de facto split into two entities, with Puntland controlling the northern half, including half of the city of Galkacyo, along the Tomaselli line (clan-based demarcation).

Galmudug stands out among federal states, as it is the home state of the current federal president Farmaajo and ‘many Somalia’s well-known politicians and prominent business people’. Galmudug nevertheless is ‘the most dysfunctional state in the federation’. Numerous actors with considerable sway over the various parts of the state compete for power such as ASWJ, an armed Sufi group which used to be the most powerful military actor in the state and was later almost completely demobilised and integrated into Galmudug’s forces and the national army.

As of January 2021, it was reported that Al-Shabaab continued to control almost the entire eastern shore and parts of the centre of the Galmudug state. The area, which used to be of operation for ASWJ, is one of the few areas in Somalia, apart from Puntland and Somaliland, where unfettered travel on roads was reportedly possible for 200–300 kilometres.

Galmudug security forces include the darwish and the State Police. UNSG attributed to Galmudug security forces violations such as the deprivation of liberty of children (some of them for alleged association with Al-Shabaab or pro-ISS elements), child recruitment, killing and maiming of children, rape and sexual violence against children, attacks on schools and hospitals, child abduction, and denial of humanitarian access.

 
For further information on human rights violations committed by Galmudug forces and their relevance as potential exclusion grounds, see chapter Exclusion.

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.6]

Puntland is reportedly ‘the most stable and most developed state in the union’. Puntland comprises Nugal and Bari regions. Puntland also controls the northern part of the Mudug region, including north Galkacyo and contends with Somaliland over control of areas of Sool and Sanaag regions and the area of Ayn (Togdheer region). ISS and Al-Shabaab control marginal portions of the Bari regions, the Golis Mountains and the areas south of the port town of Qandala for ISS. Their operational freedom is quite substantial in the region.

Puntland’s security forces are constituted by the Border Police, the Puntland State Police (PSP), Intelligence forces and Correctional forces. Among them, the Puntland Maritime Police Force (PMPF) is funded by the UAE and Puntland Security Force (PSF) was set up by the US as a separate private auxiliary group. Both operate outside of Somalia’s constitution and security architecture.

UNSG attributed to PSF violations such as the execution of a death sentence, the issuance of death sentences, conflict-related sexual violence, arbitrary arrests of journalists, deprivation of liberty of children, child recruitment, killing and maiming of children, rape and sexual violence against children, and denial of humanitarian access affecting aid delivery to children.

 
For further information on human rights violations committed by Puntland forces and their relevance as potential exclusion grounds, see chapter Exclusion.

COMMON ANALYSIS
Last updated: June 2022

[Actors, 7.7]

It has been reported that the government of Somaliland exerts consistent control over most of the territory that it claims. Areas of Sool and Sanaag regions and the area of Ayn (Togdheer region) are contested between Somaliland and Puntland.

Security forces of Somaliland are constituted by: the National Intelligence Service (NIS), which relies on formal and informal intelligence networks and which includes army and police intelligence officers; the Somaliland Police, a force of under 6 000 men and women receiving training and aid from the UK and made of the Special Police Unit (SPU) and the Rapid Responses Units (RRU); the Somaliland National Armed Forces, comprising the army and the navy, with a total estimated force of between 8 000 and 15 000 soldiers, receiving some military training and aid from the UK and the EU; and the Somaliland Coast Guard, also supported by the EU and the UK.

Somaliland security forces were deemed responsible for various violations such as the execution of death sentences and the deprivation of liberty of children for alleged association with Al-Shabaab or pro-ISS elements in Somalia. Furthermore, Somaliland authorities have harassed journalists through arbitrary detention and have detained Somaliland residents employed by the federal government in Mogadishu. It has been reported that police officers continued to torture, beat, threaten, harass and arbitrarily arrest civilians, especially journalists, human rights defenders and persons allegedly suspected of terrorism.

 
For further information on human rights violations committed by Somaliland forces and their relevance as potential exclusion grounds, see chapter Exclusion.